The Ax Falls The letter, said District Leader Marsha Rapaport, was as bland as white rice. But with that letter Borough President Howard Golden essentially yanked Rapaport's husband, Jerry, from Community Board 13 after 25 years of service. "The letter just said thank you for your previous years of service, but we have many more people who are qualified to serve-that's it," said Marsha Rapaport, who works as an aide to State Senator Seymour Lachman. The ostensible reason aside, Golden has been upset with Rapaport for her support of Councilmember Herb Berman in his bid for City Comptroller. Golden wanted Rapaport to support his candidate, former deputy borough president William Thompson, who is now the president of the Board of Education. But Rapaport-citing her long relationship with Berman -- refused, even after Golden had a sit-down with Lachman. Now it appears her husband may have paid the price.

"That's what I would assume," she said. "I feel bad for my husband, getting the end result of a situation that he had no control over. He enjoyed going to the (community board) and participating, being on committees and working on the different issues that came up. I'm sorry that he got caught up in something that had nothing to do with him."

In response to inquiries, Golden released a statement saying that there is tremendous public demand for a limited number of community board seats, and that he never discusses his reasons for making changes with the press. Jerry Rapaport was unavailable for comment.

What's Yours Is Mine Eyebrows arched last week when the campaign of Craig Hammerman, district manager of Community Board 6 and a candidate for City Council in the 39th District, apparently culled a list of his competitors' contributors and hit them with its own fundraising appeals.

According to Council candidates David Waid and Greg Atkins, Hammerman's fundraising invitations found their way into the mail boxes of people who were clearly plucked off their contributor lists-like Waid's wife, for example, who uses her maiden name. (She will not be making a donation, in case you're wondering.)

"It was unbelievable," said Waid. "I don't understand why he didn't send an invitation to me while he was at it." Hammerman said that he had no direct knowledge of the tactic, but that he couldn't immediately vouch for all of his campaign staff. "Obviously I'm not going to speak for everyone that's involved in my organization, but I'm certainly going to look into it," he said. "But I think we're all courting the same people, certainly those registered voters in the district, so it wouldn't surprise me if they continued to receive appeals from some of the other candidates who are talking about running as well. God bless America-we live in a democracy."

Both Waid and Atkins said that the strategy did not make sense because people who contribute to campaigns 18 months in advance of the election are usually avowed friend and supporters. "As far as I'm concerned, it was a waste of postage on his part," said Waid. "I would encourage him to continue to mail to people who are 100 percent committed to me." Steve Banks, the other candidate who has filed, said that his contributors had not received invitations.

Brennan Explains Role In Assembly Coup The one Brooklyn Assemblymember who stood front and center in the failed coup against Speaker Sheldon Silver was Jim Brennan. Brennan was outspoken against Silver, and he held press conferences and signed letters with the coup leader, Assemblymember Michael Bragman of Syracuse. Brennan put his chairmanship of the mental health committee on the line-as well as the additional salary the chairmanship brings -- and even now, after the dust has settled, he continues to criticize Silver's leadership. But when the vote on a procedural motion that would have amended the rules to allow election of a new Speaker in mid-term came to the floor, Brennan sided with Silver. Why?

Brennan said that Bragman had the support of at least 52 members of the 98-member Democratic conference when he announced his coup attempt on a Wednesday. By Monday, the afternoon before the vote, Silver and his staff had whittled Bragman's Democratic base to about 20, including Brennan. On that afternoon, Bragman held a press conference criticizing Silver's leadership in a number of aspects. The group of 20 Democrats, then calling themselves a reform caucus, signed a "Statement of Principles" that ran parallel with Bragman's views.

But when the vote came to the floor, Brennan chose to side with Silver. The reason, he said, is twofold. First, he did not like the idea of teaming with the Assembly Republicans to oust the Democratic Speaker. Secondly, he thought allowing the election of a new Speaker in mid-term would destabilize the Assembly by allowing a group of 30 Democrats to side with Republicans to oust the Speaker, thereby undermining the ability of the Speaker to lead the Assembly and deal with the Senate and Governor.

"I recognized the validity of that argument, but I wanted to make sure that my views about the nature of the problems in the Assembly were heard," said Brennan. He said that the Assembly is essentially a "dictatorship" that stifles inclusion, and that Silver's powers extend even to how individual members structure their own staff. Further, he said, he objects to the Speaker and Senate Majority Leader being allowed to make large, blind allocations into funds and then dole out the money without a line-by-line accounting, such as is the case with the Community Facilities Enhancement Program, which contained $425 million three years ago (including $30 million for the Sportsplex) and now has $170 million.

Presumably the Sportsplex money is still there, the operative word being presumably, as the funds are subject to Silver's pleasure. Brennan said that he was satisfied that he has aired his complaints. "I feel I had gotten out the important things that needed to be said," he said He added that he has not received any threats to his chairmanship at this time, although two other Bragman supporters had their chairs pulled. Additionally, Bragman complained of widespread threats of primaries, reapportionment and other punishments used to cajole members to side with Silver, but Brennan has not experienced any of those.

"Obviously the Speaker loves me personally regardless," said Brennan. County leader Clarence Norman worked hard on Silver's behalf. His working relationship with Brennan, an opponent of the county organization, remains unchanged.

A Connection? Will legislators' votes on China trade impact whether Brooklyn gets a federal empowerment zone? That concern is buzzing through certain business and political circles, especially after U.S. Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-Queens) stood next to President Clinton on May 23 as Clinton announced a third round of the zones. Meeks was undecided until relatively late in the China bill horse trading, and he eventually came to support the Administration's position.

Three of Brooklyn's members of Congress- Rep. Nydia Velazquez, Rep. Major Owens and Rep. Ed Towns, in whose districts the empowerment zone would lie -- voted against the bill. The bill ultimately passed the House, is expected to pass the Senate, and would form a piece of Clinton's legacy. Not that there's anything wrong with Queens, or that the borough couldn't use some federal help, but the proximity of Meeks to the President during the announcement raised some eyebrows because it was Brooklyn that finished 16th on a list of 15 empowerment zone winners last year. The zone would have brought an estimated $300 million in benefits, and could have spurred a wave of business development in long-depressed areas of Brooklyn, much like the so-called Harlem renaissance, which was catalyzed by that area's empowerment zone designation in 1994.

A spokesperson for Velazquez said that the Congresswoman was not worried that her China vote would impact the empowerment zone application. Karen Johnson, Towns' chief of staff, said that the China vote would bring nothing to bear on the application. "We had an excellent application," said Johnson. "It's still a great application. The Congress people who put it together have done a great deal for this Administration on many fronts." Johnson also said that since the applications were calculated on a point basis, there was no room for political maneuvering, but one source said he believed that even the point system was subject to tweaking. Owens' office did not return a call seeking comment. The White House did not return a call seeking comment.

Another political monkey wrench in the equation is the likely 2002 gubernatorial bid of Andrew Cuomo, the Secretary of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, which judges the applications.

Borough Politics Archive
May 15 column.
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April 24 column.
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March 13 column.
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February 21 column.
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