Clarke-Owens Part I Perhaps Rep. Major Owens is beginning to feel the heat from Councilmember Una Clarke. Last week, Owens drew a parallel among Adolf Hitler, Joerg Haider and Clarke, the protégé turned upstart who is likely to challenge Owens, an 18-year incumbent and her former mentor. "What this opponent (Clarke) represents is a whole new kind of being introduced into the community," said Owens on NY1's Inside City Hall. "Whether it's (Joerg) Haider in Austria or Adolf Hitler, when you appeal to ethnic loyalties as a way to ascend to power, it is the worst possible way to come to power." Owens has said that Clake's candidacy will divide the 11th Congressional District along ethnic lines-pitting the Caribbean-American community against the African-American community. Clarke has called that tact a "red herring" designed only to deprive voters of choice.

In an interview after his comments were aired, Owens said: "I was not comparing her to Adolf Hitler. Adolf Hitler was an evil genius that threatened the security of the world. Una is no threat of that kind to anybody and I wouldn't want to make that comparison. I was pointing out the same virus that demagogues use to set one group against the other to come to power." Said a wry Clarke: "People have told me, well, we always thought you were on the extreme left-now you're on your way to the extreme right."

Clarke-Owens Part II Councilmember Una Clarke set a record, although it's not exactly the kind of record politicians strive for. The New York City Campaign Finance Board yoked Clarke with a $100,000 fine-the largest ever given to a Councilmember. Clarke received the fine for violating the $124,000 spending limit in her 1997 reelection to the City Council. Clarke overspent by $33,121-or 26.7 percent. "In terms of a percentage, that is the biggest spending limit violation by any candidate ever in the Campaign Finance Program," said Ian Michaels, a spokesman for the board. The program provides matching funds for candidates who adhere to spending limits and provide full public disclosure of their contributions and expenditures.

Clarke was permitted to spend $124,000 in the primary and $124,000 in the general election. But because she was unopposed in the primary, she could not spend any money on that part of the campaign. Therefore, all of her expenditures in the race had to be listed under the general election, causing her to overshoot the limit. Michaels said that the law treats spending limit violations as the most serious because "it is a fundamental fairness issue." The board could have fined her anywhere from one to three times the amount she overspent-and chose the harshest measure.

Clarke has been given a 30-day extension to appeal, which she said she will do. She said that she supports the campaign finance system. "I would not be in office if it was not for campaign finance," she said. "I would never want to be in violation." Interestingly enough, Clarke won the election in 1997 by a whopping margin of 10,819 to 490. The discrepancy between the strength of her challenger and the size of her spending creates the impression that she may have been spending to get her message out in advance of an anticipated congressional race.

"Not at all," she said. "Whoever said that likes to make trouble." Clarke said that she thought her opponent was a "serious candidate." "I pulled out all the ammunition I had and raised all the money I could to make sure that serious though he may be, I would have been in a position to be reelected," she said.

Rep. Major Owens had no comment on the development except to say, "I think Ms. Clarke is an accountant herself, so I guess she can deal with it." "I think he's kind by not commenting. The bottom line, I always say, is that if you have glass windows you don't throw stones," said Clarke, who is indeed an accountant but does not serve as her own treasurer.

Drop Me Off In Harlem Assemblymember Clarence Norman, the Brooklyn Democratic leader, slugged it out with challenger James E. Davis in a debate that aired Monday on WLIB 1190 AM. Overall, the debate-which was staged in Harlem-saw little discussion of policy issues and often degraded into bickering between the candidates, but there were a few interesting moments. Norman painted Davis as an inflammatory blunderbuss pursuing the politics of division because he has no record as an elected official. Norman also cast himself as an accomplished assemblyman who brings needed services and public capital to the area. Conversely, Davis attacked what he believes is Norman's paltry record in the black community, his favoritism of the Jewish community and Norman's standing as the establishment candidate with a king-sized political bed. Davis, who is a reverend, also positioned himself as the crusading insurgent bent on reforming "sellout" politics.

The Jewish Children's Museum-a new project that began in August -- took center stage for part of the debate. To Davis, the $1 million of state money that was allocated toward the $19 million project in Crown Heights is proof that Norman favors the Jewish community. But to Norman, who made a point to say that the funds came from Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, the money is proof that he can deliver a children's center to his area. "If you're saying that as an African-American assemblyman I should not fund Jewish programs, why don't you just say that?" asked Norman of his opponent. "I have no problem with the Jewish community getting economic development, but where's the economic development for the black community?" countered Davis.

Of course, the schism between the Jewish and African-American communities in Crown Heights is nothing new, with the riots of 1991 serving as a violently palpable demonstration of how explosive the tension can be. And in this race, the issue is sure to be front and center, as Davis has made it a central plank in his platform. (Regardless of whether he's right, Davis is eminently quotable on the subject: "I am Moses, and I say to Pharaoh Norman, let my people go," he said in a recent interview. He also likes to use biblical imagery to describe his outsider status: "I'm David, they're Goliath, and I know how to work this slingshot." Never mind trying to figure out if he's Moses or David, he's both, or neither, depending on your perspective.)

But overall, Norman is a smoother, more polished orator, while Davis debates with a passion normally reserved for the pulpit. Norman used the trap of logic twice with success. One time he forced to Davis to concede that Norman brings money into the community (Davis had said that Norman's cozy relationship with Mayor Giuliani led to large contracts for Norman's father's church programs). The second time occurred when Norman noted that in 1997 both Davis, who was then a City Council aspirant, and Giuliani had run on the Liberal line. Although Giuliani and Davis could not be farther apart ideologically-Davis, though a cop, was a victim of police brutality as an 18-year-old and is an outspoken critic of the police force-Norman was able to repeatedly refer to him as "Giuliani's running mate."

But Davis scored points with the crowd when he demanded reparations for descendents of slaves, and he challenged Norman to match him. "We can discuss it," said Norman. "There is no discussion-America owes us back pay," said Davis. In 1998, Davis nearly upset Norman -- losing by a mere 500 votes at the polls -- and revealed some chinks in the armor of the county boss. Shortly thereafter, Davis was canned from his job in the Police Department-an occurrence that he claims was a "political hit" orchestrated by Norman and Mayor Giuliani, while Norman says that it is "absurd" to think that he could conspire with the city's top Republican to boot Davis from the force. Davis was recently reinstated in court, with back pay, and has just received a letter from the Police Department stating that they will not appeal the decision.

Norman has said that he will not allow Davis to gather momentum this time around. Davis, however, predicted that he will topple the leader in the primary. "I'm going to beat Clarence Norman by 2,000 votes," he said.

Bradley Does Brooklyn Former Senator Bill Bradley recently took his campaign to Brooklyn, stopping at P.S. 24 in Sunset Park, where he received the endorsement of Councilmember Angel Rodriguez and chatted up the audience on topics such as education, Title I financing, and of course the Puerto Rican Island of Vieques, where the U.S. military runs training exercises, such as bombing runs, that often involve live fire. Bradley called for an end to the bombing in Vieques, although he stopped short of saying that the U.S. should pack up and leave altogether. And in a local illustration of how things come full circle, Janet Sullivan was named by former Councilmember Sal Albanese as a Bradley delegate. Sullivan's mother, Florence, was a Bay Ridge Assemblymember from 1978 to 1982, and her first opponent for the seat was none other than Albanese, who is now a coordinator for the Bradley campaign in the 13th Congressional District.

The mood at the Bradley campaign is not as high as it once was, she said. "He's not the media golden boy he was last fall," said Sullivan of Bradley. "Last fall, Bradley was what (Senator John) McCain is now, and obviously that's shifted, and people are realistic enough to realize that." Local party insiders, as well as Bradley himself, have marked the date of the Super Tuesday primaries (March 7) as Bradley's last stand.

Endorsement The Crown Heights Political Action Committee, a satellite of the Crown Heights Jewish Community Council, has endorsed Councilmember Una Clarke over Rep. Major Owens. The PAC is also backing Assemblymember Clarence Norman, who is a staunch supporter of Owens.

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