BACK-ROOM DEAL REJECTED A secret (but obviously not top-secret, since you're reading it here) political poker game between Assemblyman Clarence Norman and his rival Councilman James Davis electrified insiders last week, all stemming from a little ol' race for district leader, a position normal people don't even understand. All kinds of wild rumors were flying around, most prominently that Davis called Norman and offered to withdraw from the district leader race in the 57th A.D. (Fort Greene/Prospect Heights), thereby handing victory to Norman ally Bill Saunders, in exchange for Norman's neutrality in Davis's council reelection race next year. (Norman would otherwise support Tish James for council against Davis, as he did in 2001.) Davis emphatically denied the story, offering three corrections to the account we'd heard from two different sources.

Correction No. 1: "I called him to say thanks for having my mother be a poll inspector," not to offer a deal, Davis said. (Poll inspectors, generally selected by political officials, earn $200 for a 16-hour shift on election day.)

Correction No. 2: Norman offered to support Davis's 2003 reelection bid, not simply remain neutral, in exchange for Davis's withdrawal. "There's no way I would drop out for 'neutral.' I'm a much better negotiator than that," Davis said.

Correction No. 3: Not only would Norman have supported Davis in 2003, but Norman (the county Democratic leader) would also have rounded up Rep. Major Owens, Assemblyman Roger Green, and state Senator Velmanette Montgomery to back Davis.

Ultimately, Davis decided to stick with the cards he was dealt, presumably for two reasons. First, Norman was playing a weak hand, since Davis could well beat Saunders for district leader on September 10 and James for council in 2003 no matter what Norman does. Consider that Davis beat James last year, despite heavy support for James from the party organization, and in the process simply ran over Saunders, whose hapless campaign for council netted him about 600 votes compared to Davis's 3,900 within the 57th A.D. Second, by spurning Norman, Davis got to keep his persona as a man-of-the-people insurgent, rather than selling out in exchange for a comfortable political existence. Now he can deliver quotes like this one: "I made the decision that I'm not for sale and I'm not into back-room deals, but it was quite flattering to hear such a deal being proposed. At the end of the day, I chose to side with the people and not with what I've spoken out against, that kind of back-room politics. It's time for these dinosaur tactics to be done away with."

He wasn't done. "The only way I will lose is if the people say no," Davis continued. "I'm not going to make a deal behind closed doors with Clarence Norman, Roger Green, Tish James and the like." Of course, after this, he won't likely get another opportunity.

Epilogue: A third candidate for district leader in the 57th, Francis Byrd, sacrificed his ante early in the card game. Byrd, after submitting 1,000 signatures to get on the ballot, withdrew minutes before a midnight deadline, figuring that his candidacy would siphon votes from Saunders and thus hand victory to Davis.

Davis didn't withdraw before the deadline, but Norman's people suggested he could escape from the ballot by failing to defend his petitions against a lawsuit and instead settling the case by agreeing to withdraw. (We'd hope that any self-respecting judge would reject such a bogus settlement, but remember that many judges owe their jobs to Clarence Norman.)

By rejecting Norman's offer, Davis makes his life more difficult for the next 14 months. Not only will he have two contested races, but his political enemies will continue to press an investigation of his not-for-profit organization. They contend Davis's Stop the Violence helps his political career and should be reported on campaign finance forms. A source told us Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau subpoenaed Davis to appear August 8.

FOSSELLA, TOWNS LEAD IN "DIRTY MONEY" RECEIVED According to the Environmental Working Group, Reps. Vito Fossella and Ed Towns receive three times more campaign money from polluters than the other four Brooklyn House members combined. But both candidates point out that many companies labeled "polluters" by the organization are such stalwarts of American business as Coca-Cola, Walt Disney, and Microsoft. On its "Dirty Money" Web site, the environmental organization characterizes as coming from polluters $323,323 in campaign contributions to Fossella, a Republican representing Bay Ridge, Bensonhurst, and Staten Island, in the last two election cycles. Towns, a Democrat from central Brooklyn, wasn't far behind with $257,241.

In contrast, Democrats Jerry Nadler, Anthony Weiner, Major Owens, and Nydia Velazquez received a total of $183,815 in so-called "dirty money" in the 1998 and 2000 election cycles, the organization reports. In the 1998 cycle, Fossella actually received more ($185,323) than all five Democrats combined, but in 2000 Towns was the top "dirty money" recipient with $150,583. Of course, Fossella and Towns have a very different definition of "dirty money" from that of the Environmental Working Group (in fact, it doesn't appear the Congressmen consider any legal contributions "dirty," given that both have accepted cash from tobacco companies).

"These types of Web sites are a dime a dozen and no one knows much about their real agenda," said Fossella's press secretary, Craig Donner. "It's interesting to note that this Web site has attacked elected officials for receiving contributions from, all of companies, Walt Disney, Coca-Cola, and even hospitals." Those companies are indeed on the list, as are Chase Bank, Bank of New York, American Express, Deloitte & Touche, and lots of other companies not usually associated with pollution.

But there are plenty of others-mining outfits, fertilizer manufacturers, oil drillers and the like-commonly known to dirty the land, water, and air and to lobby against environmental protection measures. The Environmental Working Group, which consists of 18 researchers and writers in Washington, groups campaign contributors under such titles as "Dirty Air," "Dirty Water," and "Global Warming." Towns's press secretary, James Harris, said, "The report makes for some good sound bites and perhaps some attack ads, but if you look at some of the names behind those titles, it's hard to say that those economic engines that keep our country moving and employ thousands of people are dirty companies." Harris said campaign money doesn't affect Towns's votes anyway, suggesting we look at the Congressman's high rating from the more widely known League of Conservation Voters.

We aim to please, so we checked out the league's scores. Towns did indeed receive marks above the national average for Democrats, but they were the lowest among Brooklyn Democrats for at least five years running. Velazquez, Owens, and Nadler, meanwhile, tied for the top scores in the state for the 106th Congress (1999-2000) by voting to protect the environment 97 percent of the time. They all scored 100 percent in 2001, while Towns dropped from 86 percent to 79 percent. The average score for Democratic House members was 77 in 1999-2000.

Fossella's scores make Towns look like Johnny Appleseed-the Republican averaged 30 percent from 1997-2001. But compared to the nationwide Republican average of 17 percent in 1999-2000, Fossella's scores were good. Fossella spokesman Donner said, "Vito has worked hard to protect our environment and fight for clean air and water. He's proud of his record." It's all a matter of perspective, unless of course you were a sea otter swimming behind the Exxon Valdez.

ROGER COULD USE SOME GREEN Assemblyman Roger Green, facing a serious challenge from fellow Democrat Hakeem Jeffries, told The New York Times in July that he had raised $40,000 and would "raise and spend whatever it takes" to win. Someone get Green a calendar. The primary is September 10, just a few weeks away. Now might be a good time to start raising and spending whatever it takes, which will probably be more than $40,000. Not that Green even raised $40,000. He really only raised $21,620 in the first half of 2002 and had $8,000 left over from previous campaigns. By our math, that's not $40,000. But then, we don't bill ourselves as champions of education, as Green does.

Cheap shot, we know. But it's fair to ask why Green didn't spend more time raising funds after Jeffries came out of nowhere to score 41 percent of the vote against Green in 2000 and promised to run again this year. Campaign finance records show Green did essentially no fundraising in the 15 months following the last primary.

Meanwhile, Jeffries raised $54,300 and still had $26,900 left as of July 11. Green had $16,380 left. Perhaps Green figured by having Jeffries's house drawn out of the 57th Assembly District, Jeffries would be dissuaded from running. He wasn't. (Note: If Jeffries wins, he'll have a year to move into the district. Note #2: Green still claims it was a coincidence that Jeffries's house was drawn one block outside of the district.)

VITO LOPEZ RUNS INTO POST Assemblyman Vito Lopez's north Brooklyn fiefdom was laid bare in a New York Post article that detailed his control of social-services and housing non-profits in Bushwick and how both he and his girlfriend, Angela Battaglia, benefit. The story summed it up this way: "Lopez wins the government funding, and Battaglia oversees the not-for-profit corporations that spend it." It noted that the assemblyman earns $57,600 as a consultant to a housing group his girlfriend runs, on top of his $92,000 Assembly salary.

No one can deny that Lopez brings a lot of public funding to his poverty-stricken neighborhood, but he surely shouldn't be getting any of it back in salary. Meanwhile, Battaglia pulled in at least $164,500 among four different jobs in 2001, including $50,000 as an aide to Lopez and $65,000 as a part-time housing director of a Lopez-founded non-profit. However legal it may be, it doesn't pass the smell test.

One thing the story failed to ask was whether the ascension to Civil Court judge of Jack Battaglia might have had something to do with his being Lopez's girlfriend's brother. The other thing that bothered us in the story was a comment by Rep. Nydia Velazquez, a Lopez enemy, who said, "It's his way or no way, and he will use his power to intimidate other elected officials and community activists."

Our problem is not with the quote itself, but that Velazquez gave it to the Post but not us when we asked several weeks ago why she and Lopez don't get along. An interesting coincidence was that soon after the Post story ran, the Web site of Civil Court candidate Marcia Sikowitz-the one with photos of Lopez putting his arm around her, and listing Battaglia as a member of her campaign committee-went blank. The site is now back up, with Lopez and Battaglia still there.

FIRST RULE OF PR: DON'T GET PO'D Our inquiry about a new hire by Senate Majority Leader Marty Connor proved to be more interesting than the hire itself. We'd received a tip that former City Councilwoman Kathryn Fried, who was rumored to have considered running against Connor this summer, had just joined his staff. So we called the Brooklyn Heights senator's office on a Thursday to see if a quid pro quo was at work (as in, "If you don't challenge me, I'll give you a job").

There was no callback from Connor's downstate press secretary, Sue Gold, so we tried again the next day, only to be transferred to Connor's Albany spokesman, Bill Reynolds. He, too, didn't call back. Three more days passed. Finally, at 5 p.m. Monday, we called Gold again, but were told she was "in a meeting with the senator." It occurred to us that Connor might have been ducking our call in the hopes that we wouldn't print the Fried item. So we left a message indicating that the item would run with or without his comment.

This time, Gold called back within five minutes. But not before she called the co-publisher of this paper to complain that we had "threatened" her! PR people generally refrain from such calls unless the circumstances are exceptional, such as if we had published that Connor was growing a second nose. But to gripe about a phone message? When Gold told us of her call, we summoned all our reserves of diplomacy and replied, "That's just stupid!" Gold's action was surprising because in PR, the goal is always to get your employer portrayed in the best possible light. Picking fights with reporters is generally not a good way to do that. (Side note: Sue Gold's father, former Queens state Senator Manny Gold, once tried to become senate minority leader. The man who beat him out? Marty Connor.) Anyway, Gold insisted that Fried never said she wanted to challenge Connor, so her hiring was no payoff. We then asked for Fried's title and salary. Gold said, "We don't discuss personnel matters or what salary people get."

Say what? That information is public, we replied, stating the obvious. Gold, adroitly mending fences, called back to report that Fried is a special counsel to Connor, works part-time, and earns $40,000. Fried's role is to help represent Connor in the Manhattan parts of the district, which she represented in the City Council before term limits forced her out last year. (She then ran unsuccessfully for public advocate.) Gold, who said our original messages were simply not delivered promptly, also divulged her cell phone number to avoid future fiascos. Darn.

POLS HUDDLE ON CAR-FREE PARK City Transportation Commissioner Iris Weinshall invited Brooklyn Borough President Marty Markowitz and the Brooklyn City Council delegation to an August 5 meeting at her office to discuss a car-free Prospect Park three-month trial. She did not invite Transportation Alternatives, the group advocating for a car-free park. That concerned TA, which has been consulted by Weinshall on other issues. "We're worried that it's being set up to fail," said TA's Aaron Naparstek.

Naparstek said Markowitz made calls to get southern Brooklyn councilmembers to attend the meeting, apparently to defeat the car-free trial, which is supported by Councilmembers Bill deBlasio, Angel Rodriguez, David Yassky, Yvette Clarke, and James Davis.

NOACH STICKING WITH DEMOCRATS At a recent Lambda endorsement meeting, Bay Ridge district leader candidate Brian Honan was pointing to cracks in the Democratic Party's Brooklyn ranks when he stated matter-of-factly, "Noach Dear has promised to switch parties if he wins" the Senate District 21 election. Not true, according to Dear's campaign manager, John McLoughlin. "Noach is a Democrat and that he will remain, even after the election," McLoughlin e-mailed us. Like some other Brooklyn Democrats, Dear is running in the Democratic primary but also accepted the Republican line for his race, which he figured would at least guarantee him a place on the general election ballot.

What he didn't figure on was a Republican opponent. But Herman Hall of East Flatbush filed a petition and, unless he gets knocked off the ballot, will face Dear in a Republican primary. One source said Dear was "hopping mad" over the unforeseen development.

KRUGER, FIDLER WOULD FIGHT COSTCO Costco is thinking about opening a store in a Brooklyn Terminal Market warehouse that's been empty for all of 2002, but would face opposition from state Senator Carl Kruger if it tries, Crain's reported. Two years ago, Kruger teamed with local retailers to stop Shop-Rite from opening in the area, which is at the Canarsie end of Kruger's district. "We would be just as vigorous in our opposition to Costco," Kruger pledged.

Councilman Lew Fidler later jumped on the anti-Costco bandwagon, citing traffic concerns and the effect on mom-and-pop stores. Any proposal requiring council approval would be dead on arrival, Fidler vowed. The Terminal Market would be ideal for light manufacturing if the adjacent rail line were connected to New Jersey via an underwater tunnel, which Rep. Jerry Nadler has been advocating for years. Costco's huge stores displace a vast amount of business from existing retailers. Certainly that has been the case with the Costco that opened a few years ago in Sunset Park. Costco stores have also been accused of destabilizing local shopping strips, the backbones of neighborhoods. Another problem with Costco stores are that they tend to be accessible only by car. That makes them ideal for suburbia but out of place in Brooklyn, where neighborhoods are walkable and traffic arteries are congested.

Of course, Costco shoppers love its bulk items and generally low prices. But giving car-owning Brooklynites the option to shop at Costco can have negative consequences for the borough as a whole.

Borough Politics Archive

2002
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2001
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2000
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1999
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