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By Erik Engquist As printed in the Courier Life Newspapers May 27, 2002 DiBRIENZA LOOMS IN SENATE RACE Former City Councilman Steve DiBrienza announced May 16 that he would decide in a week whether to run for state Senate in the redrawn 20th District, which would mean a race against incumbent Carl Andrews and possibly others. It would be a tough go for DiBrienza because the district doesn't much resemble his old 39th Council District, which ran through the brownstone neighborhoods that were his political base. White voters predominated in DiBrienza's council district, but the new senate district has a large minority population, which would be inclined to vote for a minority candidate, particularly an incumbent like Andrews. Meanwhile in the new 21st Senate District, the bevy of prospective minority candidates is-for the moment, at least-now down to one: political consultant Omar Boucher, who eclipsed Anthony Alexis 24-11 in a straw vote of minority community leaders May 18. Rock Hackshaw withdrew shortly before the vote, and Colin Moore, Vaughan Toney and Kevin Parker were eliminated in a previous meeting. The minority candidates had all pledged to stay out of the race if not chosen by the unofficial selection process, so as not to divide the minority vote. "Their word is their bond," said Boucher, 53, of East Flatbush. "We made a commitment." Colin Moore's word is his bond? This is a man who could teach Al Sharpton a thing or two about rabble-rousing. But we digress. Two probable white candidates are Flatbush district leader Lori Knipel and former Borough Park Councilman Noach Dear. All of the above are Democrats. In announcing his interest in the race at a Central Brooklyn Independent Democrats meeting, DiBrienza also said he would not run for judge. DiBrienza has been practicing law since term limits ended his tenure in the council and his bid to become the city's public advocate failed. Last week's reduction of minority candidates and possible increase in white candidates were bad news for Knipel and Dear, who need multiple minority candidates to fracture the black vote in the primary. Meanwhile, county Democratic leader Assemblyman Clarence Norman would like the party to unite behind one black candidate. (Politically correct translation: a candidate who would "empower the minority community," in the words of one party official.) Norman didn't appear to back Boucher (whose name rhymes with voucher) in the elimination process, but may jump on board. Boucher's primary supporter has been state Senator John Sampson. Petitioning to get on the ballot is scheduled to begin June 4, but the date will likely be postponed by the state legislature. Dear will have the most campaign money in the race, assuming he runs in this district and not the 27th against state Senator Carl Kruger, which Dear hasn't ruled out but which would be a daunting proposition. SEPHARDIC, SO GOOD FOR KRUGER Speaking of Carl Kruger, the state Senator denies rumors that his recent meeting with leaders of Brooklyn's Sephardic community-from whom Dear raises a lot of money-stemmed from his fear of a challenge from Dear. "That's a gross mischaracterization of the facts," Kruger said. "I'm not concerned about anybody running. I think my record speaks for itself. I'm confident that I would resoundly beat any opponent that might come my way." Kruger said Sephardic leaders approached him, not vice versa, about having a campaign fundraiser, and that one is now in the works. "It's not predicated on anyone's candidacy," the senator said. FUNNY FARM VOTE A controversial expansion of federal farm subsidies divided Brooklyn's representatives in the House, with Jerry Nadler, Ed Towns, and Nydia Velazquez voting in favor and Anthony Weiner, Major Owens, and Vito Fossella opposed. Fossella is the only Republican in that bunch. The bill passed the House 280-141 without the usual party-line voting pattern (67 percent of Democrats and 66 percent of Republicans supported the bill, an indication that some members were actually voting their consciences). The Senate approved the so-called Farm Security Act as well, 64-35, with New York's Chuck Schumer and Hillary Clinton voting with the majority. The feeling here is that Weiner, Owens, and Fossella were on the mark in opposing expanded farm subsidies, while Nadler, Towns, Velazquez, Schumer, and Clinton voted to perpetuate a counterproductive welfare program for the richest farmers, even if the bill did include some worthwhile projects unrelated to farm subsidies, such as $17 billion for environmental and conservation efforts (a pittance next to the $180 billion for farm subsidies). Velazquez's press secretary did not even mention farm subsidies in a statement explaining her support for the bill. "Congresswoman Velazquez voted for the final conference report on the farm bill because it included certain Democratic initiatives that the Congresswoman believes are important to residents of the 12th District," Wendy Belzer said. "These provisions included a restoration of eligibility for food stamps for legal permanent residents and increased funding for school nutrition programs. The bill also strengthened a country-of-origin labeling system, which would require the mandatory labeling of meat, fruits, vegetables, fish, and peanuts according to their country of origin. This is an issue that the Congresswoman receives letters about from many of her constituents." Undoubtedly, hundreds of 12th District residents are accosting pushcart vendors at this very moment and demanding, "What country are these peanuts from?" Countless more are likely despairing as they shop for groceries that there aren't enough stickers on the fruit, so the new labeling system should help out there as well. But seriously, federal farm subsidies have been shown to go largely to huge, profitable corporate farms, not small family farmers struggling to survive. They also encourage overproduction of certain crops. Furthermore, studies have concluded that eliminating the subsidies would not result in higher prices for consumers. That's why good-government groups have long called for their repeal. For a while it looked like that might happen, as President Bush targeted the subsidies for cuts. But in the end the House members in farming states proved too powerful, and the subsidies were inflated by $70 billion. They will now cost taxpayers about $180 billion over 10 years. Bush flip-flopped and agreed to sign the bill. BROOKLYN REPS SURVIVE While the redrawing of New York state's Congressional district lines remains incomplete, it became clear last week that all six Brooklyn districts would be essentially preserved in the final plan. Former judge Frederick Lacey, appointed "special master" by a federal court to come up with a politically impartial reapportionment proposal, released one on May 13 that keeps Brooklyn's districts essentially intact. Lacey's lines for the borough mirror those proposed by Democratic state Assembly leaders. That leaves Republican state Senate leaders and Governor George Pataki no leverage to implement their own proposal for Brooklyn, which would have pitted Rep. Jerry Nadler against fellow incumbent Democrat Eliot Engel of the Bronx. Nadler represents Coney Island and Borough Park, but most of his district is in Manhattan. The special master's report noted that Nadler's district was redrawn by the Republicans to run from Borough Park to the Bronx, narrowing at some points to just a few blocks wide, "for no apparent reason." So he ignored it entirely. In fact, except for its suggested Long Island district lines, the Senate plan lacked "political fairness" and needlessly tore up existing districts, Lacey wrote. Except for its New York City lines, the Assembly plan was unfair as well, according to the special master. Each new district must have about 654,360 people, meaning there will be some changes to Brooklyn districts to account for population fluctuations. In the Lacey plan: Rep. Anthony Weiner's 9th District would lose some Brooklyn constituents and gain some in the northeast corner of Queens, but remain demographically similar (66 percent white, 14 percent Asian, 12 percent Latino, among residents old enough to vote). The downside for Weiner is that the new district has more territory in Queens than Brooklyn. Somehow, "Weiner (D-Queens)" doesn't look right. Rep. Major Owens's 11th District would go from 18 percent white to 24 percent, and drop from 65 percent black to 57 percent. Rep. Nydia Velazquez's 12th District would gain some white voters (going from 25 percent to 27 percent) but continue to be more than 44 percent Latino. She should even be able to vote for herself this year, having purchased a house in the Brooklyn Heights portion of the district. Velazquez previously lived in Owens's district, which was perfectly legal but not politically ideal. Ed Towns, Owens, and Velazquez were always safe because their "majority-minority" districts are needed to satisfy the federal Voting Rights Act.
The gist of reapportionment is that the state will go from 31 congressional districts to 29, because populations of other states (particularly in the south and west) grew faster than New York's during the 1990s. In the 1992 reapportionment, New York lost three of its 34 districts. Do not expect former City Councilman Ken Fisher to run against Rep. Major Owens (as had been rumored) or anyone else in the near future, according to City Councilman Lew Fidler. Fidler recently ran into Fisher, who indicated that he was enjoying practicing law and had no urge to get back into politics. Given that Fidler also ran into Steve DiBrienza and came away thinking he, too, would stay on the sidelines for a while, whereupon DiBrienza immediately announced a possible run for state Senate, we expect Fisher to declare his candidacy any day now. In defense of Fidler, DiBrienza apparently was quite convincing. "He laughed out loud about the Senate rumor," Fidler said. "He enjoyed the fact that people were worried about it." One was no surprise-City Councilman Angel Rodriguez, the male district leader, is under indictment for allegedly accepting a bribe in exchange for supporting a new Fairway supermarket in Red Hook, which didn't exactly help his popularity with reform clubs like CBID. The club instead endorsed George Martinez for district leader. Martinez tried to run for council against Rodriguez last year but was kicked off the ballot when the incumbent successfully challenged his petitions. In addition, given a choice between endorsing female district leader Azalea Rivera or no one, endorsed no one.
"To my recollection, we have not seen her since her last endorsement meeting two years ago," noted CBID President Susan Loeb. Yhe selection of Brooklyn as a venue was a testament to the growing influence of the Independence Party in New York City, said Boerum Hill resident Bob Conroy, chairman of the party's Brooklyn chapter. He noted that Mike Bloomberg received about 60,000 votes on the Independence Party line in November's mayoral election, which he won by 45,000 votes.
The party will begin screening candidates in Brooklyn races this week, Conroy said. City Housing Authority employee Gil Perez of Staten Island also interviewed for the endorsement, but Lachman's incumbency and bigger campaign coffers gave him the edge. Republican Al Curtis might also run. Lachman has never represented Staten Island, but the new district was his best chance to remain in office after Senate Republicans chopped his current one into pieces and Democratic state Sen. Vincent Gentile announced he'd leave his Staten Island/Brooklyn district to take on Republican City Councilman Marty Golden in the Bay Ridge-based Senate District 22. Staten Island Democrats also endorsed Arne Mattson to run against Rep. Vito Fossella, a Republican. Mattson, 44, a retired firefighter, has little chance of victory in the GOP-dominated district. (No other Democrat even asked for the endorsement.) But running for Congress is the kind of adventure you can embark on when you're retired at the age of 44. In another recent exploit, Mattson won a spot on the College of Staten Island baseball team. Borough Politics Archive 2002 2001 2000 1999 |